And why? Because of their own base admirations, and their secret belief that these magnates were really their 'great men.' They think of nothing else, talk of nothing else, dream of nothing else, but to be like them. For it is not the intellectuals, the educated, the cultured, the refined, the people of brains in any nation, who keep up these baser ideals; on the contrary it is the masses, - as Gambetta said of the Clergy in France, - who are 'the eneray.' Indeed, it is only now as I write, that the working classes of England, after forty years of impotence, have at last made up their minds that they will support their own representatives at the polls. So far well. But if they should succeed in packing the House of Commons with an overwhelming majority of their own members, what then? Would the fact that man is an animal that goes in herds, and so must follow the law of all herds, be made, as St. Paul says, of none effect? On the contrary, it would end as the Christian Church did, which beginning as an assemblage of equal units, - and, like the working men of to-day, equal mainly in their poverty, - had, almost before a century had elapsed, placed itself in subjection to bishops, each of whom affected the state and magnificence of princes; and (before many centuries had passed) under a Popedom which in wealth and State was equal to, as indeed it was an imitation of, the pomp of the throne of the Caesars itself.

And I will go farther and venture to say, that if General Booth, for example, were to announce to his legions of followers throughout the world to-day, that the dignity and authority of the Salvation Army demanded that its Head should be clothed in all the outward insignia of power befitting its numbers and importance, - even were it for no other reason than as another way of attracting the masses, different in form perhaps but the same in principle as its big drum and cymbals - he would be lodged in a palace to-morrow like the Popes, and could, if he would, establish a dynasty of Booths to succeed him and to rule over the Salvation Army, precisely as the Church through its College of Cardinals did before him. Let the working-men, therefore, perfect their Trades-Unions and make them as strong and solid as possible, and elect their representatives to Parliament in numbers as great as they can; but at the same time let the other classes of the community do the same, and hold their own as tenaciously and as long as they can; as knowing well that in the long run it will all end in the old familiar spectacle of the 'upper and the under dog;' and let all alike ponder well the twin generalizations of Thucydides and Shakespeare which I have had occasion to refer to before, and which ought to be inscribed in letters of gold on the walls of the world for its contemplation.

In the innumerable wars among the petty States of Greece in his own time, Thucydides had observed that when any dispute arose between two States which were nearly equal in power, so that each was not quite sure of the issue in the event of an appeal to arms, they treated with each other on the basis of reason and justice; but that when one State was much more powerful than the other, it dictated its terms at the sword's point alone - a generalization as true to-day as then, and of which the bullying attitude of Russia to Japan before the late war affords a most pointed illustration, and one which will not soon be forgotten. This is the first generalization which all men and nations may well lay to heart as a permanent law of the world. The second is where Shakespeare in 'Troilus and Cressida' makes one of his characters say that it is between 'the endless jar' of Right and Wrong that justice resides - 'Wrong' in this connection meaning all that is comprised under the conception of absolute Power and Authority, Custom, Precedent, and the traditional relations between men; and Right meaning the pure abstract ideal of Right. Or in other words, until the millennium of pure abstract Right arrives, Justice must always be a compromise between the established claims of the 'powers that be' and this abstract ideal of Right - a generalization which is the only sound definition of concrete Justice which the law of Evolution can support, and which Shakespeare alone had the penetration to perceive in pre-evolutionary times.

Leaving, then, Karl Marx with his legions of Socialists to ponder these twin generalizations of Thucydides and Shakespeare, while fighting for their own abstract social and moral ideal; and wishing them God-speed in their determination to get a larger share of the good things of this life for themselves, so long as, in popular parlance, they do not in the process 'kill the goose that lays the golden eggs,' we may now pass on to the contribution of the next 'outside' Economist on our list - Henry George. But before doing so, it is only fair to say on the side of Modern Capitalism that when once a living wage has been secured to the workmen, the existence of great capitalists like Mr. Carnegie, who are prepared to make it a point of honour to return to the public the whole or a greater part of the 'exploitations,' if you choose to call them so, which the present game of wealth as played by its recognized rules has given to them, and to invest it for the carrying out of the greatest and highest causes, on the authority and by the advice of the really great men, each in his own sphere, would do more for the advancement of the nation in a single generation than any Government whatever could get done by a popular vote in a century.